Vampire Values 

Widespread Popularity of Vampire Myths Mythical vampires seem to capture attention and generate interest like few other topics can. Mythological vampiric figures have been present across diverse cultures for thousands of years. Particularly interesting, of course, is that the vampire seems to occupy a curious space between life and death.

 

It has been widely believed on different continents and across various cultures that at death, souls hovered about their dead body for three days; in some places, that time span was considerably lengthened, and the vulnerable body needed to be watched to protect evil spirits from entering it, thus creating a vampire (Sugg, 2011). Of course, while part of the widespread curiosity in vampires can be explained by the mysterious place they occupy between life and death, as reflected in Sugg’s study about longstanding pre-scientific beliefs associated with the death process, the popularized figure of the vampire also reflects particular traits, both highly desirable and repulsive, of mere humans.

 

As realized within popular culture and media studies, vampires are seen as attractive, intelligent, seductive, and powerful. They are also sadistic, abhorrent, and frightening. In many ways, mythical vampires are us (i.e., humans). This reflection of ourselves, along with a universal curiosity about death, may account for their tremendous popularity. Real Vampires: People with a Unique Identity Nobody knows an exact number, but there are many people worldwide who self-identify as vampires (Atlanta

 

Vampire Alliance, 2007). Despite the use of the word “vampire,” people with such alternative identities do not seem to be psychologically and socially unstable (Browning, in press; Laycock, 2009a, 2009b; Williams, 2008, 2009). Even still, it is not surprising that vampires prefer to keep these alternative identities private (i.e., stay “in the coffin”) due to fears of being misunderstood and discriminated against (Williams, 2008). Laycock (2009a) has thoroughly described the different kinds of self-identified vampires in contemporary society, and contrasts between “lifestyle” and “real” vampires. Many people who relate as vampires focus on certain lifestyle practices of one form or another. According to Laycock (2009a), and other experts in the field, some lifestylers enjoy wearing specific clothing styles, sleeping in coffins, or perhaps even sporting fangs.

 

Others may regularly participate in live action role-playing games (LARPing) that focus on vampires, such as Vampire: The Masquerade. Another separate category of vampires includes those who hold beliefs concerning a particular spiritual path, i.e., the Vampire Church, or participate in specific organized religious practices that focus on vampirism in some form, such Vampire Temple. Laycock (2009a, 2010) has emphasized the need to distinguish between different forms of lifestyle vampirism and real vampirism, and noted that earlier work (i.e., Keyworth, 2002; Perlmutter, 2004) aimed at understanding vampirism (or vampire subculture) tended to generalize about self-identified vampires without differentiation. Such generalization is a significant problem, given the tremendous diversity and wide-range of beliefs and practices among vampires. While some identification with vampires, particularly among youth, may be due, in part, to a narrative collective-assimilation hypothesis (Gabriel & Young, 2011), wherein people experience a narrative before psychologically becoming a part of the collective within it, this possibility does not seem to account for the tremendous range and diversity of self-identified vampirism. In contrast to the tremendous diversity of various lifestyle vampires, the essential feature of real vampirism is their belief in the need to take in “subtle energy” (called feeding) from time to time from a willing “donor” in order to maintain physical, psychological, and spiritual health. Real vampires report that without occasional feeding, their overall health and well-being suffer. Hence, the term vampirism is used to describe the feeding process. Real vampires may or may not find interest in mythical vampires or pop culture vampirism; these seem to be irrelevant to their self-identified vampirism (Laycock, 2010).

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Many real vampires report feeding on psychic or pranic energy, and pranic energy is believed to be strongly connected to nature, generally, and often breathing, specifically (Belanger, 2004). Some vampires, called “sanguinarians,” seem to prefer feeding by consuming small amounts of human blood (or animal blood), which can be easily obtained, among other ways, by making a tiny incision (i.e., with a razor or scalpel) on the upper part of the donor’s chest and is then licked or sucked by the vampire. “Hybrid” vampires report feeding from more than one form (i.e., psychically or from blood). It is generally expected within the community that vampires should act ethically and responsibly in feeding practices. Unlike lifestyle vampires, real vampires believe that they do not choose their vampiric condition; they are born with it, somewhat akin to sexual orientation (Laycock, 2010). Thus, real vampirism should be approached as an alternative identity, rather than as an institution (Laycock, 2010). Some real vampires report wishing that they did not have a vampiric condition, stating that their lives would be easier without it (Laycock, 2010). For some, vampire community events provide an important source of social support (Browning, in press).